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Rip Gore Vidal...
Good [+1]Toggle ReplyLink» basdini a répondu le Wed 1 Aug, 2012 @ 6:16am
basdini
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bye bye mr V.

you will be missed...

[ edition.cnn.com ]
I'm feeling surly right now..
Good [+1]Toggle ReplyLink» DynV a répondu le Wed 1 Aug, 2012 @ 11:51am
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Renowned American Writer Gore Vidal on TRNN
multipart
[ therealnews.com ]

---

Gore Vidal on Thanksgiving weekend
Eisenhower and the military-industrial complex
November 23, 2007

[ therealnews.com ]
PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: It's Thanksgiving week in the United States, and families across the country are getting ready to sit down to their turkey dinners. To tell us what he thinks Americans should be thankful for�or not�we're joined by Gore Vidal in Los Angeles. So, Gore, tell us what you think Americans might want to be thinking about, this Thanksgiving.

GORE VIDAL, AUTHOR AND POLITICAL ANALYST: Well, what we're going through could not be worse for us. The dollar has crashed. The dollar has crashed against the Canadian dollar, which, you know, was always a joke for us. The Euro as risen. And suddenly we are no longer the great currency, and we're something like $25 trillion in debt.

JAY: If you go back to Thanksgiving in the mid-, late 1940s, during the time of McCarthyism, another period where certainly the media and outspoken people were hard to find. How do you compare? What was it like back in those days?

VIDAL: McCarthy was just one stupid senator from Wisconsin who'd got loose. We had a cowardly president, Eisenhower, but he was a very good president in the sense that he did try to represent the country. He tried to represent our institution. At the end of Eisenhower's reign, he did something extraordinary: he warned us against himself. That doesn't happen often with dictators, whether they are allowed or not allowed. We allowed him to be dictator because he'd done a good thing during the war, operating in London, operating and trying to keep all of the British and the American and so forth troops together. But he had realized he was a real conservative. He realized the harm that his regime was doing and the regime that had produced him, which was World War II continued. What did he do as he was leaving office? He warned us against the military-industrial complex. And he said, �My fellow Americans, you've got to realize that this comes with a price. Their control financially over everything in our country, from the universities to the civilian economy to the military. This is bad news for the United States. There are no voices speaking out.


Gore Vidal on the media
Have TV journalists learned anything from the last several years?
July 11, 2007
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: The economic structure of television makes what I'm going to ask difficult to accomplish. But do you think television journalists have learned anything from this last four years?

GORE VIDAL: Well, they've always been lazy, and they're not used to getting to the heart of problems, of matters. They're not used to investigating anything. Socrates tells us that the unexamined life is not worth living, and that is an absolute truth. Those who want to examine life don't go in for journalism, because they're not allowed to. So they've got to be very careful. They have to think about tenure if they're at a university. They've got to think about, you know, the publisher and advertisers. So it's a difficult row to hoe, and we have no intellectual tradition of any kind in the United States. I even told Arthur Schlesinger, �You know, Arthur, one Schlesinger does not make a spring.� He was horrified.

JAY: What do you think is the significance of what we're trying to do?

VIDAL: Well, I'm all for it. I wouldn't be sitting here today if I didn't like the notion. And it's apt to catch on. It's when the news starts to break, how two presidential elections, 2000 and 2004, were stolen and The New York Times would not review the book written about it by Congressman Conyers, nor Washington Post, nor Wall Street Journal, the great instruments of news were silent. Well, they're saying, �We don't give a goddamn about the United States. Just stew in your own juice. Leave us alone. We have corporate figures to add up now, and we have certain things we want to put in place, and we may have a couple of candidates for you dumdums, but you probably won't like them.� You know, I've been around the ruling class all my life, and I've been quite aware of their total contempt for the people of the country. And the Republican machine became so good at transmitting its own feelings about the world to the enemy, to the liberals, once anyone, any of the right wing hear what I just said, he'll say, �Oh, the liberals have always hated America. We know that. They despise family values, because they're only interested in gang bangs and drugs and so forth.� This is the way they deal. And whenever they have a real coward for president, like Bush himself, and you have a hero like Kerry, �Oh, he's a coward. Didn't you know that? We've got five guys who were in Vietnam with him.� What they do is whatever is their transgression, whatever are their faults, they lie and apply it to the other person. That confuses everything. If I were an average voter in the United States, I wouldn't know who was telling the truth, whether Kerry really had run away and didn't get purple hearts, or whether Junior, you know, had actually learned how to fly a plane.

JAY: And television news covers the lies like news.

VIDAL: Yes. It has a lock on it.

JAY: You've been touring the country after your new book.

VIDAL: Well, no, I was touring it before the last congressional election to raise money for the Democratic Party. Not that I like the Democratic Party, but we have to have the semblance of a second party to get rid of these others.

JAY: What do you hear from people?

VIDAL: Well, I've never heard cries of rage so loud. It's when I'm in New Mexico or West Virginia. I've covered the whole country by now.

JAY: Our project's fundamentally motivated out of our own concern for what the future holds, especially in terms of what democratic rights we do have and the way the media has played such a destructive role. What do you think is the potential for what we're doing? What do you make of the project?

VIDAL: Well, the potential is enormous. There's not anyone with an IQ above, you know, lowest room temperature who isn't interested in something like this. Everybody is on to the con act of our media, that they are obeying bigger, richer interests than informing the public, which is the last thing that corporate America has ever been interested in doing. So I think, you know, the sky's the limit to the amount of audience you can get. And one of the secrets is, aside from telling the truth�which most people in America hate because they've been brought up on advertising, and they think the truth is just something irrelevant, irrelevant, you know. Everybody lies. You know, I love that line. So it's alright to steal the election. Well, that isn't what the world's about. And I think it's really come down to we're going to be blown up one of these days. We have now acquired so many enemies with so much power in the world that, well, they're going to take a couple of cracks at us. I would rather have Real News here telling us just where it was they struck, where it is, intelligence says they may strike again, and maybe why they're doing it�we blew up their mosque, we killed their president, or whatever it was that set them off. What our fictional news does now�and this is--all it is is fiction, whether it's CNN or CBS or NBC, it's all fiction. The people making this junk know that. The viewers suspect it. But where are they going to turn to? Where are they going to find out? They can't all go out and get a, you know, subscription to The Nation, which would help straighten them out, at least in print. So you're going to be the only alternative, and the word will start to spread. Look at the speed with which, you know, just by telling jokes, John Stewart and company, got the attention of everybody. And now they say, well, most of the real news that the people know about they get from the satirizing of it that Stewart does. And very funny he is, too. In other words you build a better mousetrap, and the mouse will come to your door.

JAY: Thank you.


Gore Vidal on the future
"We've got to get back the pillars of the Constitution"
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: How significantly different would a Clinton White House, Obama White House, or an Edwards White House�how much can they do? How much do they want to do differently?

GORE VIDAL: Too broken, The first thing you have to do is get back habeas corpus. You've got to get back the Magna Carta, you've got to get back our legal system, you've got to get back the pillars of the Constitution, and they're gone. Republics don't restore themselves.

JAY: There's a group of ex-Reagan conservatives that are waging a campaign exactly along these lines, saying the Constitution must be reclaimed. In fact, they're making more of it than the leadership of the Democratic Party is.

VIDAL: Well, do they have the same constitution in mind? Or do they have something else in mind? One never knows with marginal groups. I think the Reagan people just believed in you make as much money as you can, and screw everybody else.

JAY: This gang seems to be. They're certainly talking the talk of wanting to defend habeas corpus and the Constitution. But more my point is we're hearing very little of this from the Democratic Party.

VIDAL: Well, there's Dennis Kucinich, there are a lot of people, Senator Leahy, Congressman Conyers, there are a lot of people who understand the Constitution and understand the risks of dictatorship, because we're right on the edge of it. I tell people, Europeans, that say, you know, �What do you think of the regime?� I said, �Well, what they've done is interesting. Symbolic.� I said, �I was born eighty years ago in a country called the United States in America, and I now live in a homeland.� It's an expression we haven't heard since Hitler. Since they don't know anything about language or politics or thought or anything else, they think this is a wonderful way of explaining the United States defending itself against its numerous inscrutable enemies. They hate us. We don't know why. Well, if we didn't blow up their cities, they might feel more kindly towards us. Two plus two is not possible in the United States of Alzheimer's.

JAY: What do you see in the next ten, fifteen years?

VIDAL: Bankruptcy for the nation, which will put an end to these insane wars. We can't afford one. I know in Washington, I mean, the entire Bush gang is longing to reconstitute the army with another million men, and it can't find a million men. And the American people, although they can be easily tricked, they're not stupid, and they're not enlisting.

JAY: Those who've been more or less running the world for the last fifty, sixty years or more, how do they deal with the situation where they might not run the world anymore?

VIDAL: Well, martial law would be the first step that they would take to get back their powers. It's always a good one, always an easy one. They have all sorts of models, they think, in Abraham Lincoln, but he certainly ruled with dictatorial powers, but the Constitution allowed him to do that, and he was faced with the dissolution of his country, which he cared a lot about. There's nobody in this administration who knows anything about the United States. They don't know the history. They certainly do not wish the people well. If you ever talk to Republicans privately about that�this is elected officials�their opinion of the people, their contempt is so total. And if you're on their side, you're a softhearted liberal or you've been taken in.

JAY: What do you see as the response coming from the people in the next ten, fifteen years?

VIDAL: Well, I think, bankruptcy, depression.

JAY: How will people respond?

VIDAL: Well, there could be rioting. Certainly when we saw what happened in the late 20s, early 30s, institutions collapsed, banks collapsed, and Roosevelt's swift actions followed by the brains of Lord Keynes changed the whole economic structure of the West, much less the United States. So we were lucky between Keynes and Roosevelt to have had two such extraordinary men who did have our interests at heart or at least appeared to.


Gore Vidal on the Democrats and religion
How different would a Democratic Party administration be?
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: This idea that this undemocratization or growth of fascism is incremental: What are the other signs of it in American society?

GORE VIDAL: Well, it's been the monopolizing of great wealth, which tends to happen in basically unjust societies and undemocratic societies. We have plenty of would-be democrats, would-be liberals, and would-be progressives. But how do you organize? The Democratic Party is a machine to get votes for its people, none of who should probably be elected to the high offices of state. That's all. The Republican Party is fundamentally crooked and might well be outlawed one of these days. Le Pen, you know, in France, who is an out-and-out fascist, the French have managed in some clever way to contain him. I mean, he's always running for president; his votes never seem to show up. I don't know how they do it, but we've got to do that with the Republican base, the religious right. We don't want them running the country. Nobody does. Certainly not the founding fathers. And I think we have to ride herd on them and make sure they do not seize the state.

JAY: Well, they kind of did, and�.

VIDAL: Of course they did. They took advantage of 9/11 and so on.

JAY: How do you assess this danger to democracy of the organization of the hard right alliance of evangelicals?

VIDAL: Well, you have to work out what it is. They are a little splinter. They can't summon many voters at any given time. They are a minority of a minority of a minority. They have everybody buffaloed because the great corporations like them and pay money to their candidates for sheriff and senator. And they're playing big-time politics. Yes, indeed. But the average person doesn't like them. You know, any time I want to get applause�and I lecture across America in state after state after state�when I fear things are getting a little low, I always say, �And another thing: Let us tax all the religions,� I bring down the goddamn house with that. And any politician would if he had sense enough to do it. The people don't like their tax exemption.

JAY: I went to church in Nashville, evangelical church. I was there for a four and a half hour service. And in four and a half hours the words �poor� or �poverty� did not cross anyone's lips.

VIDAL: No. They might have fallen off the lips.

JAY: My understanding of Christianity is the fundamental criteria you'll be judged by to enter salvation is your attitude to the poor, which doesn't get talked about much. But there was an interesting thing. I met a man there who's married to a friend who has quite progressive politics, but he's a believer and goes to the church. And he said 20, 25 percent of the church does not support the right wing politics and didn't vote for Bush.

VIDAL: I'm sure of that.

JAY: There's an interesting fracture in terms of the honest people who believe in the values espoused and what's getting expressed at the political level.

VIDAL: Well, remember, all that area from which the Gore family comes was solid Democrat and progressive under Roosevelt for several decades. So they just didn't become Republicans because they all wanted to be bankers. They became it because they didn't like black people, and they thought the Democrats were pushing integration too fast. And that's how the great split came about, to the shame of the whole country.


Gore Vidal on US media and society
We're not the United States of Amnesia. We're the United States of Alzheimer's
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: There's a lot of taboo subjects in the media, and even sometimes in the society.

GORE VIDAL: Particularly in the society.

JAY: Yeah. But one of them is trying to draw any historical lessons from the rise of fascism in Germany, in Italy, and say there's anything in common�.

VIDAL: I'm not joking when I refer to our country as the United States of Amnesia, although I was corrected recently by Studs Terkel out of Chicago. And he said, �Gore, it's not the United States of Amnesia; it's the United States of Alzheimer's.� I stand corrected.

JAY: Fascism in Germany wasn't a coup; it was a many-year process. [crosstalk] feel normal. I'm not suggesting we're living in an equivalent period, but there are lessons to be learned about�.

VIDAL: But it is equivalent. I mean, don't be shy of saying that. The response to the Reichstags Fire is precisely that to 9/11, which was invoked by this administration's people. �And if we don't fight them over there, we got to fight 'em here.� This little fool. How are they going to get here? Greyhound bus? I mean, he is so stupid himself that he assumes everybody else is equally stupid. If he had been really elected, I would say everybody else was stupid, but he wasn't.

JAY: But the party that was really elected went along with most of what he did until very recently.

VIDAL: Oh, he didn't do much of anything. They went along applauding it because they were getting huge contracts for Haliburton.

JAY: No, I'm talking about the leadership of the Democratic Party went along with the Patriot Act, went along with the war in Iraq.

VIDAL: Have you ever found them? You know where they live?

JAY: The leadership of the Democratic Party?

VIDAL: They�re like rocks. You know, they're not visible. There's some obviously good people in the party. I like Dennis Kucinich, I like Senator Leahy. There are some very good people in Congress. And lets hope they start doing some oversight. But I'm not very sanguine.

JAY: In the period between 9/11 and Katrina, where in Katrina some cracks started to appear in the Bush armour, we saw a kind of capitulation by American media and all the opposition political leadership. And you saw a face of America that we might see more of.

VIDAL: After all, you are in opposition to American media, and so am I. And we know how false it is, and how corrupt it is, and how engag� they are for mischief, making money for the ownership of the country. There's nothing to be done about them. And no wonder, even when the American people might ever again, which I doubt, have an uncorrupted presidential election. 2000 was corrupted. 2004 was corrupted. I don't think we'll ever get to know the people's voice, and the people have no voice because they have no information. That is why you're doing useful work here. That's why I'm chatting with you here. That could be useful, to tell them actually what happens around the world. That poor guy running for Congress, everybody jumped on him, particularly [inaudible] people. He suggested that our foreign policy might have had something to do with 9/11, that we were deeply disliked in the Muslim world for other reasons. It's the same presidential, I guess. �Do you believe in evolution?� said this idiot. I mean, to reveal the leadership of the United States hasn't made it to the 20th century, that our leadership is as ignorant as that. Five of them said, no, no, thinking little lord Jesus was going to vote for them.

JAY: It's in these moments of crisis, like terrorist attack, that you start to see people's colors.

VIDAL: Yellow.

JAY: In Britain as well, and I was really taken aback. After the bus London bombings, Ken Livingstone�red Ken Livingstone�was asked, was there any connection between these bombings and UK foreign policy, and he said there's no connection whatsoever. This is just people that hate our way of life.

VIDAL: Yeah, that's the new lie that they like to tell. Well, that's Bush allover. They just hate us. Why? Nobody has to ask them why. He doesn't know why. �Well, they envy us, our form of government.� Who envies us that can of worms we've got in Washington? And it's been many years in the United States since I have seen a Norwegian coming to get a green card.


Gore Vidal on liberty
The people who wrote the constitution hated democracy
July 11, 2007
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: In this period after World War II and this sort of feeling of world supremacy, domestically we see McCarthyism.

GORE VIDAL: Well, McCarthy kind of misread the tarot cards. You know, he thought it was a simple matter of conquest. Probably the only thing he basically cared about was Ireland, because he was an Irishman. And he liked the British Empire being kicked in the butt by Americans. So anything that would, you know, do them in or do in, you know, Dean Acheson, the secretary of state, who seemed like an Englishman. I think he did a lot of, you know, ethnic one-up-man ship. But no. Well, first of all, we were taken over by big businesses, we always have been, but this time it was pretty severe because the stakes were greater. Somebody said, oh, the kid last night who was interviewing me, Adam something, he said, you know, �Certainly the United States is basically an altruistic country. Look at the Marshall Plan.� I said, �What's altruistic about seizing control of western Europe? It seems to be very much part of an imperial plan.� Oh, he couldn't believe it. He just thought we did it out of goodness of heart. Now, he's a very bright guy, writes for The New Yorker and so on, yet he's been so misled. And he reads a lot of history; he's very intelligent. You cannot get through the density of the propaganda with which the American people, through the dreaded media, have been filled and the horrible public educational system we have for the average person. It's just grotesque.

JAY: There's this fundamental belief, religious belief, that America's foreign policy since World War II has been a fight for freedom.

VIDAL: Well, it never was. And the belief that we're a democracy. That means you know nothing about the Constitution. The people who made the Constitution hated democracy. Some of them put up with it better than others. Jefferson was pretty good on the subject. The others just loathed it.

JAY: But certainly there's more democracy in the United States than there was in Hitler's Germany.

VIDAL: Well, I suppose that if you're being tortured to death by Mao Tse-Tung, it's much better to be with Paul Revere in front of a fireplace in Concord, New Hampshire. I mean, you can sort out [crosstalk]-

JAY: No, but there are stages of this process of democracy or lack there of.

VIDAL: The Federalist Papers are very clear. Whenever one of the founding fathers and one of the people who was inventing the Constitution, they start to get apoplectic at the mention of Athens, the mention of Pericles, the mention of democracy. They go on and on about mobs, and we don't want this, and we don't want that. We're an oligarchy of the well to do. We were at the very beginning, when the Constitution was made, and we're even more so now.

JAY: But within that context there is more or less right of free assembly. There is more or less right of free speech. Of course, you have more free speech if you own a television network than if you don't.

VIDAL: Well, yes, as you'll find out with The Real News.

JAY: But there are some constitutional rights here that you wouldn't have seen�.

VIDAL: They've been eliminated one by one over the last four years.

JAY: That's my question.

VIDAL: When habeas corpus was removed, I think they attributed it to certain desires of the USA Patriot Act. When they got rid of that, they got rid of Magna Carta. When you get rid of that, you get rid of our liberties. The only good thing England ever left us was Magna Carta. Magna Carta guarantees due process of law. You cannot have your life removed, you cannot have your money removed, your freedom removed, except by a trial by jury of your peers, and you could be represented by a legal�. That's been eliminated. Sixth Amendment is gone. The speed with which it was done is sort of miraculous, because this is a screw-up administration�they can't do anything properly. There are those who keep quoting me, because I had said, well, they'd had enough warnings about 9/11 to have done something. Well, that's the CIA's warning. They did nothing. So I have to face this every now and then. �Well, you said that Bush was in favour of it. And can you prove that?� I said, �Of course I can't. How would I know?� I do know that he is so incompetent; this was a great, successful mission conducted by some crazed religious zealots.


Gore Vidal on "The Emperor"
"He smiled benignly at the oil wells"
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: One of the principles of US foreign policy coming out of World War II was to establish a single-superpower world, was one of the reasons for the dropping of the nuclear weapons, to tell the world, a shot across the bow, if you will, that this is going to be a single-superpower world.

GORE VIDAL: I don't think it was that well thought out. We had single-handedly won World War II. The Russians don't agree with this because without their land armies we could never have liberated Europe from the Nazis. So the Russians paid a great cost in life and treasure, as they like to say. And they won the ground war, we won the air war, and we won the sea war. And that was about it. But we grabbed all the credit for everything, as we are wont to do. Europeans have always noticed we come in very, very late into their European wars. And if they followed the advice of people like me, we would never have come in to go to war abroad as we did in World War I, as we did again in World War II. But by '45 when the bombs were being dropped or considered, we lacked Franklin Roosevelt. He was the emperor. He knew exactly what he was doing. He made a number of agreements with Stalin at Yalta. All Stalin asked for was to be treated as a normal superpower, which is what they were. Roosevelt did not have any nonsense going on in his head about the sanctity of Christianity, the sanctity of capitalism versus communism. I don't think he ever gave such topics a thought. All he knew is we had won the war, and he was going to decolonialize. Now, that is the great Roosevelt message. He told Churchill at Yalta, he said, you know, �Now we're winning, you know, the war in Europe.� Pacific war was still going on. �But now that we're winning it, you know that you're going to have to give up India.� �Oh, yes, of course, we always knew that. And one day we'll really give it up.� And he said, �No, no, no, you're going to give it up right away. And France is going to give up Indochina. Sumatra and Java are going to be let go free by the Dutch.� And he said, �I don't care what this does to European powers. I'm ending colonialism, because without a clean sweep, United States is meaningless.� I mean, Roosevelt was a great statesman, and he knew a lot about geography, and these other jokers didn't know it. And so it came to pass that Churchill had to give up India, grumbling all the way. At this famous lunch, a lot of witnesses there, Churchill apparently turned to him. He thought this man was his friend, but emperors have no friends. And he said, �What do you want me to do? Get on my hind legs like your little dog, Fala, and beg?� The emperor said, �Yes.� You don't take on emperors in their own empire. Roosevelt had done what he set out to do. Why did he set out to do what he did? He had lived through World War I, and he'd come to Washington as assistant secretary of the navy under Woodrow Wilson, one of the wooliest headed presidents we ever had. I mean, he makes Harry Truman look like Einstein. He tried out the League of Nations, which he didn't know how to set it up. He antagonized half the Senate and then wondered why they voted against him. Roosevelt had learned his lesson from Woodrow Wilson. So he sets up the United Nations. Wisely, he put Eleanor Roosevelt, who was in many ways a better statesman than he, in charge of just seeing that it got off to a good start, because he suspected he was dying and indeed did die. And she nursed it along. And it was a very good thing until American right wingers got a hold of it, 'cause they had to complain about foreigners. You know, foreigners are bad people. They don't wash, and they never pay back their debts.

JAY: Roosevelt was planning his vision of the American empire?

VIDAL: Of course he was. One of the first things he did was tell Churchill, goodbye, India. You're out of the empire business. There are no empires. He didn't say we're going to be the only one, because he was too tactful and too manipulative. Somebody might have said, no, you're not. But he set everything up in the post-war world.

JAY: He makes the deal with Ibn Saud on a boat off Great Bitter Lake.

VIDAL: Yeah, on his way back from Yalta on a battleship. And Ibn Saud, the king of Saudi Arabia, came aboard and spent the entire day. And here's Roosevelt, a dying man, saying, you know, �I'm rather looking forward to coming here after the war. I can help you with many things.� He was going to help him with the price of oil, I suppose. And Roosevelt was still very vigorous; it's just his flesh gave out. And so he came to die at Warm Springs, Georgia. A sad day.

JAY: That deal with Ibn Saud seemed to set the pattern for the next fifty, sixty years of Middle East regional policy.

VIDAL: Well, and the conflict with the Brits, because the Brits were in Iranian oil. Amoco, whatever company merged with British oil, petroleum. And the Brits could think of nothing else. And Roosevelt thought, well, I'll preempt that sooner or later with the American alliance with the Arabians. And they quite liked each other, the two old kings. And they sat there and divided up that sphere of influence. Then Roosevelt was dead, and Ibn Saud was never a great player, and so that was the end of that.

JAY: But it did set some of the pattern, of this use of Wahhabism and the Saudi royal family in the Middle East politics.

VIDAL: Well, I don't think Roosevelt knew anything about the Wahhabi Muslims. He didn't do a lot of research. But he had great instincts. He knew where the oil was, and he knew where the power was, so he accommodated the power of the royal family there, and he smiled benignly at the oil wells.


Gore Vidal on the Cold War
Part one of a seven-part interview with Gore Vidal
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

PAUL JAY, SENIOR EDITOR: Was the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki the closing curtain of World War II, or the opening act of the Cold War?

GORE VIDAL: Probably the opening act of the Cold War. It was also the end of the American republic. Every single important military commander on the American side pleaded with the new president, our great Augustus, Franklyn Roosevelt, had died in I think it was April of '45 and was succeeded by a no-brainer called Harry Truman, who didn't know what he was doing. But he had learned certain notes. He'd been vice president for a few weeks only. Roosevelt had never told him about the atomic bomb. So he arrives as president, and advisors, all the people connected with the bombs, wanted to drop them so they'd spent their money well. Truman thought it was a good idea because he thought that we needed an enemy. We'd had Hitler and Nazism. Stalin and communism�even better. And while he was at Potsdam with his first meeting with Stalin, he gets news from Alamogordo, New Mexico that the atom bomb works. He's overexcited 'cause he's going to give it to Stalin, 'cause he was a good American who never really read a book, except for some very simple children's stories about American history. So he thought, looking at Stalin, here's the enemy, just made for us. We could militarize the economy; we could increase the army. Then word comes: the bomb works. As Leslie Groves, who was a student at West Point of my father. And Groves, very pompous fellow, and quite full of himself. It was Oppenheimer who should have been filled with himself, because Oppenheimer really gave us the bomb�with great misgivings. When the explosion went off in the New Mexican desert, he was almost in tears. This is Dr. Oppenheimer. And he said, lo, behold, I am Shiva, the destroyer of worlds. Then the decision was made�there was a very good book by a man called, Gar Alperovitz, on the decision to use the bomb. At least Truman had the good sense to consult his military camp commanders. Every last one of them, including the mad Curtis Lemay�Dr. Strangelove, General Strangelove�said, don't do it. Eisenhower in Europe, the commanding general there, Nimitz, the commanding admiral in the Pacific, they said, don't you do it. We'll be hated by the whole world. Japan is defeated. Everybody knows it. The emperor has been writing Truman letters asking for surrender. Truman, who didn�t really � much like the current president, he didn't know anything about foreign affairs, but he knew he had two weapons, he had two aces in the hole, or however they say it, poker, and he's going to play them. And he played them. And at the cost to our reputation. I mean, the meditations of Eisenhower on how horrible this would be for the United States. I think he suspected he'd already be an American president by then, and there was going to be nothing but trouble. There's been nothing but trouble for us ever since. Truman went on with this grotesque adventure, and we have gone on in the wake of it, and the Cold War begins.


Gore Vidal: On TheREALnews Pt. 3
Author Gore Vidal discusses the state of television news and democracy: "There are so many questions that television refuses to take up -- much less answer."
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

no transcript yet

Gore Vidal: On TheREALnews Pt. 2
Author Gore Vidal discusses the state of television news and democracy: "There are so many questions that television refuses to take up -- much less answer."
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

no transcript yet

Gore Vidal: On TheREALnews Pt. 1
Author Gore Vidal discusses the state of television news and democracy: "There are so many questions that television refuses to take up -- much less answer."
August 1, 12
[ therealnews.com ]

no transcript yet

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

[ therealnews.com ]
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The History of the National Security State
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Tuesday, 29 September 2009 15:41
[ therealnews.com ]

History of the National Security State. This in-depth documentary traces the history of the militarization of the US economy and the rise of a state and media structure to support it.

Includes interviews with author, Gore Vidal, retired CIA officer Raymond McGovern, former chief of staff to United States Secretary of State Colin Powell, Lawrence Wilkerson and oil policy analyst and author Antonia Juhasz.

The Best of Gore Vidal
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[ therealnews.com ]

DVD 1 Contents:

Gore Vidal on America 1.
- On the Cold War
- On the "Emperor"
- On liberty
- On U.S. media and society
- On the democrats and religion
- On the future
- On the media
2. Gore Vidal at L.A. RealNews event - June 2005
DVD 2 Contents:

1. History of the National Security State
2. Full two hour interview used in the making of
History of the National Security State
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Longtime Critic of U.S. Empire, Iconoclastic Writer Gore Vidal Dies at 86
Wednesday, August 1, 2012
[ www.democracynow.org ]

AMY GOODMAN: The author Gore Vidal has died at the age of 86. A national icon who authored more than 20 novels, five plays, Vidal was one of the best-known chroniclers of American history and politics. He dedicated his work to writing and critiquing the injustices of U.S. society. In a 2004 appearance on Democracy Now!, Gore Vidal talked about the role of democracy in the U.S. dating back to the Constitution.

GORE VIDAL: The word "democracy" is not only never mentioned in the Constitution of the United States, but democracy was something that the Founding Fathers hated. This is not generally known, because it shouldn’t be known, but it is. I wrote a little book about it called Inventing a Nation that Yale published last year.

Our founders feared two things. One was the rule of the people, which they thought would just be a mess. And they feared tyranny, which we had gone through King George III. And so, they wanted a republic, a safe place for men—white men—a property to do business in. This is not ideal, but it’s better than what we have.

So, here we are bringing democracy to the poor Afghans, but only the real democracy, of course, in the prisons, which we specialize in everywhere and which—one interesting thing that came out of all that mess was now the world knows how we treat Americans in American prisons. All that behavior, the humiliation and the violence and so on, that is typical of not so much—federal prisons, somewhat, but state prisons, municipal prisons, detention centers. This is the nation of torture. And those who disagree with me, you can write an angry letter at this very moment, if you can write at all. Sit down and write an angry letter to the commander-in-chief and have him examine the prisons.

AMY GOODMAN: Well, on that note, I want to thank you very much for being with us, Gore Vidal.

GORE VIDAL: I just barely started.


Gore Vidal Remembered: 2003 Interview With Late Iconoclastic Writer & Longtime Critic of U.S. Empire
Friday, August 3, 2012
[ www.democracynow.org ]

no ranscript yet
Mise À Jour » DynV a écrit sur Thu 9 Aug, 2012 @ 1:08am
Gore Vidal Remembered: 2003 Interview With Late Iconoclastic Writer & Longtime Critic of U.S. Empire
AMY GOODMAN: We end our show with the late and great author Gore Vidal who died Tuesday at the age of 86; complications of pneumonia at his home in Hollywood Hills, California. A national icon who authored some 25 novels, several plays, two memoirs, multiple volumes of essays. He was on of the best known and most prolific chroniclers of American history and politics, dedicating his work to critiquing the injustices of U.S. society. He made two unsuccessful bids for office, in 1960 when he was a Democratic congressional candidate in New York, and in '82 when he campaign in California for a seat in the senate. Described as the less noble defender of the American republic, America's last small-r Republican. I spoke to Gore Vidal many times, but this time, in 2003 with Juan Gonzalez, I want to play an excerpt of the conversation. I asked where he was on September 11, 2001.

GORE VIDAL: The United States is not a normal country. We are under—we’re a homeland now, under military surveillance and military control. The president asked the Congress right after 9/11 not to conduct a major investigation, "as it might deter our search for terrorism, wherever it may be in the world." So Congress obediently rolled over.

There was—I remember Pearl Harbor. I was a kid then. And within three years of it, I had enlisted in the Army. That’s what we did in those days. We did not go off to the Texas air force and hide.

I realized the country has totally changed, that the government is not responsive to the people, either in protecting us from something like 9/11, which they should have done, could have done, did not do, and then, when it did happen, to investigate, investigate, investigate. So I wrote two little books, one called Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, in which I try to go into the why Osama bin Laden, if it were he, or whoever it was, why it was done. And I wrote another one, Dreaming War, on why we were not protected at 9/11, which ordinarily would have led to the impeachment of the president of the United States who had allowed it to happen. They said they had no information. Since then, every day the New York Times prints another mountain of people who said they had warned the government, they had warned the government. President Putin of Russia, he had warned us. President Mubarak of Egypt, he had warned us. Three members of Mossad claim that they had come to the United States to warn us that sometime in September something unpleasant might come out of the sky in our direction. Were we defended? No, we were not defended. Has this ever been investigated? No, it hasn’t. There was some attempt at the midterm election. There was a pro forma committee in Congress, which has done nothing thus far. What are we? Three years later. This is shameful.

The media, which is controlled by the great conglomerates, which control the political system, has done an atrocious job of reporting, though sometimes good stories get in. I’ve worn my eyes out studying the Wall Street Journal, which despite its dreadful editorial policies, is a pretty good newspaper of record, which the New York Times is not. If you read the Wall Street Journal very carefully, you can pretty much figure out what happened that day.

At the time of the first hijacking, according to law, FAA, it is mandatory, within four minutes of a hijacking, fighter planes from the nearest airbase, military base, go up to scramble. That means go up and force the plane down, find out who they are, find out what’s happening. For one hour and 50 minutes, I think it was, no fighter plane went up. During that hour and 20 minutes, we lost the two towers and one side of the Pentagon. Why didn’t they go up? No description from the government. No excuse. A lot of mumbling stories, which were then retracted, and new stories replaced them. That, to me, was the end of the republic.

We no longer had a Congress which would ask questions, which it was supposed—in place to do, of the executive. We have a commander-in-chief who likes strutting around in military uniform, which no previous commander-in-chief ever did, as they’re supposed to be civilians keeping charge of the military. This thing is surrealistic now, and it is getting nastier and nastier as we are more and more kept in the dark about those things which most affect us, which are war and peace, prosperity and poverty. These are the main things that a government should look after and we, the people, should be told about. We have been told nothing. And every voice is silent.

So I wrote two little books, which were then noticed by people who like to look at the internet, and then a few hundred thousand people have bought them. And I don’t come out with conspiracy theories. I never became a journalist. I’m a historian. Because journalists give you their opinions and pretend they’re facts. I don’t give you my opinions, because they may be valuable to my mother, but they are of no value to anybody else. They may be of value to me. But I give the facts as I find them, and I list them. And they’re quite deadly.

This government is culpable of, if nothing less, negligence. Why were we not protected? With all the air bases, fighter planes, up and down the Eastern Seaboard, not one of them went aloft while the hijackings took place. Finally, two from Otis Field in Massachusetts arrived at the Twin Towers, I think at the time the second one was hit. If anybody had been thinking, they would have gone on to Washington to try and prevent the attack on the Pentagon. They went back to Otis, back to Massachusetts. So I ask these questions, which Congress should ask, does not ask, which the press should ask, but it’s too frightened. It’s a reign of terror now.

AMY GOODMAN: The late author, activist, essayist Gore Vidal died Tuesday at the age of 86 from complications of pneumonia at home in Hollywood Hill, California. You can watch all of our interviews with Gore Vidal on our website [ democracynow.org ] Special thanks to our Baltimore crew.
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A sad loss indeed. He was a man who spoke truth to power and wasn't afraid to expose the military establishment. He was especially clairvoyant in his predictions regarding the Vietnam War as demonstrated in his famous debate with conservative William F. Buckley in 1968.

[ www.youtube.com ] - Short clip

[ www.pitt.edu ] - Full debate clip
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Rip Gore Vidal...
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